But you quoted 2015 - 2019 - if that wasn't your point, then they are irrelevant.
'I think the key point here is that we have moved beyond the 2015-2019 norm in which Scotland doesn't meaningfully contribute to Labour achieving a majority at Westminster.'
Are you being deliberately obtuse NS?
Think about it this way.
Up until 2010 Labour received a higher proportion of the vote in Scotland than in the rest of the UK, and to an even greater extent received a higher proportion of available seats in Scotland than in the rest of the UK. Accordingly Scotland acted as an accelerator to the chance of gaining a majority in a UK-wide general election.
That was completely reversed from 2015 to 2019 - in those elections Labour received a lower proportion of the vote in Scotland than in the rest of the UK, and to an even greater extent gained a lower proportion of available seats in Scotland than in the rest of the UK. Scotland ceased being an accelerator to the chances of gaining a majority, but became a brake.
If we are seeing a reversion to Scotland acting as an accelerator to the chances of gaining a majority, then that is highly significant. I think currently we haven't quite got there (certainly on polling proportion, which remains lower than the rest of the UK), but if projections suggest Labour will gain a majority of seats in Scotland (as they do on those recent figures) then certainly we've moved beyond Scotland acting as a brake.